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a civil-rights commission to put the facts on the table and i am told by someone at the meeting he slammed the table and they will put the facts on the table. policy is sometimes said up because there is a tough problem is that the report then they go away but in the future would depend on what it found out and how aggressive it was in the public thought about it. >>host: initially it was set up as a temporary commission? >>guest: right. the right age one year before the overall crisis. it was too diffuse part of the crisis to present a better image of the country to the world. if on the way they could recommend solutions, that would be great. >>host: who was the first commission? >>guest: to put people on there who would be respected. from the white man he was president from university of mish station michigan. the secretary of labor thought he was a moderate i read all of the white house files i did not just serve on the commission i got all the files and we had all of it so we could see inside though one lone black guy in the eisenhower white house the listlessly to have names to a poin
experiences on the united states commission on civil rights, set up by president eisenhower in the 1950s senate. this is about half an hour. >> host: on your screen now as a well-known face for c-span viewers. that is mary frances berry, professor university of pennsylvania and also the author of several books, where the university of pennsylvania to talk to her about this book, justice for all. united states commission on civil rights and continuing struggle for freedom in america. mary frances berry, when did the u.s. civil rights commission began and why? >> guest: well, the civil rights commission started in 1957. president eisenhower had a lot of discussions with john foster dulles, secretary of state about the way the united states is seen around the world because of the racism going on, that people would hear about and read about and the fact that there seemed to be a lot of episodes that kept happening, whether as lynching or some discrimination taking place in the country. so the idea was eisenhower said he was going to ask congress to set up a civil rights commission, which wou
in with no preparation at all, when president kennedy's legislative program, civil rights and every one of his other major bills as well was stalled by the southern committee chairman who controlled congress as they had been controlling it for a quarter of the century, to see him get the program up and running, ramming it through to what lyndon johnson do that in the first weeks after kennedy's assassination is a lesson in what a president can do if he now knows all of the levers to pull, but has the will, lyndon johnson's case, almost vicious drive to do it to win, to say over and over again as i am always saying to myself when i am doing the research, look what he is doing here. i don't say i succeeded but i try to explain that in my books and to me, to see him do that is something that is not only fascinating but revelatory, giving a true insight into how power works in washington and there's another reason that i don't get tired of doing these books of lyndon johnson. you are always learning something new and that goes even if what you are researching is something that has been written about 1,0
real-time in the most dramatic possible way. here are the confrontations of the civil rights movement and the life decisions being made during the cuban missile crisis. people often ask me why my fatherfather install the systems. as a lover of history, i know he would've been talk of this new technology as a way of keeping an accurate record of events for the memoir he planned to write after leaving office. after the bay of pigs, people say he wanted to be able to remember who said what in case they later changed their tune. [laughter] the wonderful thing about this book is that although much of this material has been available, it has not been easily acceptable until now. the original recordings of of varying quality, and it is not always clear who is speaking in meetings. working with our outstanding archivist, historian ed widmer did an extraordinary job. in election season, i find it fascinating to listen to my father talk about what kind of person succeeds in politics. he believed the time for changing, and he was right for the time. it is interesting to apply his standards to th
records, 24 hours and 18 minutes he spoke against the 1957 civil rights bill. we remember strom thurmond today as one of the last of the jim crow demagogues. and he was. he was that. he was one of the last jim crow demagogue. what we forget about thurmond is that he was also one of the first of the sun belt conservatives. what do i mean by that? what's a sun belt conservative? the sun belt, it's one of the big stories, one of the major stories in the history of 20th century american politics. and that is the flow of jobs, of industry, of resources and population from the states of the northeast and the midwest to the south and the southwest in the post-world war ii period. the southern states were recruiting industries. they were passing right-to-work laws. they were receiving lots of funding from the federal government to build military installations at a time when the united states was involved in the cold war against the soviet union. so states like mississippi, states like georgia and texas and florida and southern california, arizona, north carolina are all being transformed in the
him. not moving him around from point to point as we were advised by john door, my iconic civil rights hero and nicholas katzenbach. he was to have as much freedom as any other student. well, yes. but at the same time, there are deer hunters, and it was the season, and we had cop instant, we were constantly aware who might come up on to the campus, didn't look like a student, had a bent mind and a deer rifle, and we had to be constantly aware of that kind of threat to his life. he was a brave person. i was sitting in his dormitory room the first couple days reading the hate mail, the death threats. very accurate, very detailed. james, we know where you live, we know where your participants are -- parents are, we're going to kill you and we're going to kill your twins. he looked at me and said, lieu tempt, i'm late for my spanish class. let's go. that kind of courage stayed with him throughout my association with him. he never cracked, he never blinked. the students blinked. i should say that 99% of the student body went about their way getting an education. they cared little about him
of the most dramatic events that occurred in the civil rights movement. and one of those occurred in my hometown of marion, alabama. pretty dramatic. >> host: now, where do you live now, first of all? >> guest: i live in tuscaloosa, alabama, which is 60 miles up the road but almost in another, more recent century than my small hometown. >> host: and darkroom is a lot about the civil rights movement and some of the experiences that you had. >> guest: yes. >> host: want to start with your father. what did he do for a living, and what was his experience like? >> guest: my father was a teacher. he had a background also in the ministry, but he was an amateur photographer. he did some freelance work, and that figures centrally in my book, "darkroom." >> host: and i wanted to ask about his ministering, because he'd been assigned to some churches, and you write about that in here. what was his experience? >> guest: well, this wasn't, actually, my family ice first immigration period before i was born. so in 1948 my father came to the u.s., and he studied at a seminary in new orleans, and he went
of the campaign civil rights division. in that capacity, leading a campaign, he convinced kennedy to telephone caruthers scott king in the matter of his imprisonment on the trumped up charges. it was a risky move given the residual racism that still tainted american life. but many analysts had concluded that the phone call attracted enough african-american votes to the democratic party that your to win a razor-thin victory to john kennedy. after the inauguration, president kennedy asked shriver to assume leadership as the founding director of the peace corps. when asked why he had selected his brother in law for the job, kennedy said that if the project were to become a flop, it would be easier to fire a member of the family when a political ally. when we look at the origins of the peace corps today we have to be careful not to read history backwards or to argue that the success of the peace corps was inevitable. it wasn't so in 1961. deep in the cold war, many thoughtful people were skeptical putting their reputation and presence of the united states in underdeveloped countries into the hands
making yourself t subject to liability under thetl 1964e call or under the civil-rights law of 1964. so, under certain circumstancess you can would make yourself -- which subjects yourself to legal liability, or another way. if you commit violence and in the indication of a -- the commission of a violent act refer to people using the n-word, you might be subject to hate law legislation, and thereby not only be prosecuted for assault or whatever violent act you have committed, but you might subject yourself to an enhanced penalty by running afoul of state hate laws. so, under certain circumstances, yeah, you would be in violation of the law. generally speaking, though, because of the strong shielding power of the first amendment, people, for instance, comedians or writers, can use the n-word and not have to fear the law, though you might have to fear a public opinion which itself can be a very powerful force. >> host: is that the near word versus citing word? >> host: the law of homicide, all sorts of different levels of homicide, and one big divide is between manslaughter and second deg
was such an effective pay per liter. this is a great champion of civil rights. he runs for president under the progressive party ticket in 1952. fbi goes after with everything they have. he's turned in prison on trumped up tax charges twice, but he raises the sprawling brood of chuck irish kids. terence hallinan who miss in this neighborhood, brother patrick, lawyers themselves and of course da of san francisco. the only da, by the way, who was given a hot fix for janis joplin of hair heroin and latest bid to become da of san francisco. so this is a book that really told it self i have to say. these stories and characters are truly larger than life. >> just after that, make japan yen and brian rohan worked in hallinan's office and they were the guys who started halo, he had ran out of the dads front hollar, a victorian house. they were providing legal services to other kids that got bested in the neighborhood. >> is true. since hallinan was the godfather for whole new generation to brian and michael and also tony sir who went on to defend among other things the critters commune with their
previous to this what was a study of the civil-rights south and the integration of james meredith at the university of ole miss. i like to pick out subjects that i feel have a lot of resonance to our cultural history, biography, and -- >> paul hendrickson's most recent book, national book
states, war has been an engine of civil right. because you might be able to afford the waste of human resources involved in discrimination against a race or class or gender in peace time. when you have to rally resources of the nation to take on a crisis like the civil war, like world war ii, you need everybody. pretty quickly by the end of 1862, you have women running the entire public health system, towards the and clara barton were important figures in washington and airways -- there was when the soldiers needing treatment and there was no preparation for them. and these partially women volunteers created the response. i wasn't the war department. linking you see and has laconic patience and very pragmatic way adjusting to these new realities every day. these dichotomies and lichen, a very important one was this huge fish and over three generations from now will be richer from europe and the lazio at the same time would say, look, i don't know from day to day what i am going to be dealing with. my goal is to get from morning to night each day and do what thomas problems i say. one
is greater than one who is in the world. there is a wonderful spiritual i was taught in the civil rights movement. fingerprints will treat me like they used to. since i lay my burden down. way down the burden of prejudice and narrowmindedness. it's a huge burden to lay down. there will be a time when the friends you had a special treat you like they used to. and accessing what my friend teaches me about consciousness. >> to access that. i was reading this while doing my cardio in "the new york times." and i said, it came to me. we shouldn't be burning carranza, we should be reading carranza. so we put together this program of three of my closest muslim friends and talk about what it means to me. and lalo came and spoke. i asked her why she does what she does. and she said, it is to keep my consciousness of god to alive. i think that's what we're talking about in part. keeping that a lie. would which you know will never abandon you and your friends. >> is their phone you wanted to and with? in this beautiful conversation? >> why don't you do that. >> these are yours. out beyond ideas of w
is greater than the one who is in the world. and there's a wonderful spiritual that i was taught in the civil rights movement that sings friends don't treat me like they used to since i laid my burden down. and to lay down the burden of prejudice and narrow mindedness is a huge burden to lay down. and there will be a time when those friends you had as friends don't treat you like they used to. and just accessing what my friend leyla teaches me about god can consciousness. -- god consciousness. >> yeah. >> to access that. when this florida pastor wanted to burn the qurans, i said, i was in the gym on a bike, you know, doing my cardio, and i was reading this -- [laughter] and in "the new york times," and i said -- and it came to me we shouldn't be burning qurans, we should be reading qurans. so we put together this program of three of my closest muslim friends to come and talk about what the quran means to me. and leyla came and spoke, and i asked her why she does what he does, and she said, oh, it's to keep my godnessness alive. and i think -- god consciousness alive which you know will never
which has put the economic question front and center. unlike the civil-rights and feminists and many other important movements of our time where there was fear of going in that direction, they were not ready for it, the police would be angry and arrest of a. this is a movement that's that we are putting the question of the 1% and 99% front and center. that opens a space that this book is not doable without the space opened by occupy wall street or the interests. if i am correct in understanding this, its third printing and it only appeared in may of this year, the thanks go to the people like the occupy wall street people who are willing to break from the tradition not to be limited by the end dumb ~ either/or republican and democrat and are willing to push in another direction. >> another question on the occupy movement, what has happened to it? it seems to have gone into some sort recess for stasis. >> a great political leader of the left whose name i won't mention because it frightens people is well known for having said political movements do not develop in a straight line. it do
the rebel yell right out of the civil war. one of the rangers said it was one of the most glorious moments to be a ranger. as they charged across the field was the perfect time. the artillery was now falling on the germans rather than a sunken road. was the perfect window of opportunity and they seized the pillboxes and went up the hill. what happens next is unbelievable. with hardly any men they started out with roughly 120 men, they lost many men in the charge, lost men, ran up the hill, i have been to this place and toward it with a german veterans, ran up the hill and took the pillbox that was on top of the hill which was the main center of gravity because it offered protection and the protection it offered was from the artillery. picture a rainstorm but instead of raindrops it with shrapnel and tree splitters. 18 battalions of german artillery rained down on that hill, killing germans and americans alike. it became unbearable. on top of that, within half an hour, 45 minutes, the germans according to their doctor and began to power back. they hit it with company strength or more. somet
. craig rights in the civil war at sea the naval forces did not determine the outcome of the civil war to the north would have won the war might even without the naval supremacy. but the naval forces affected its trajectory and very likely its length and that in the end was important enough. jim goes a little bit further, and i quote, to say the union army won the civil war would still the case much too strongly but it is accurate to say that couldn't have been without the contribution of the navy. we will let you fight it out on some future arena. but i will end officially by pointing something not be heard about this problem that they had with each other and these gentlemen are such good colleagues to me and each other jim mcpherson calls him the civil war at sea in his official appraisal and an outstanding study of the union and confederate navy and he calls his war on the water in importance story written with an eloquent him. so we have a quandary in the tough economic times. [laughter] a choice to be made. how to do it i found the perfect which to ask. the editor of the magazine
to the family. that's one whole aspect in any sort of civil war type situation, which it really is right now. you have the criminalization of society in many ways from people who are trying to make a living possible, and then you have groups that become invested in the civil war and the continuing of the civil war you saw something similar in lebanon. i wrote a piece recently in monitor called the lebanonizeation of syria, and unfarmly, of the many scenarios that could occur, in syria, because it does seem to be -- there's no easy answer. there is absolutely no easy answer to this. american intervention is not the answer. and i would be happy to talk more about that perhaps in the q & a session. what happened in -- what will happen probably in syria, unless the equation on one side or the ice dramatically changed. you have this balance of forces almost where neither side has the wherewithal to land the knockout punch and both sides think they can win and it's very difficult to intervene with any sort of negotiated solution with both sides think they can win. and when this happens in such a g
reasons for not freeing his slaves. you're quite right. he never intended to faith and even if he hadn't been in debt. but he did argue that to do so would be civil war and that the only solution would be a scheme in which all slaves moved to the caribbean or back to africa. and, of course, you could argue that it's not justification but it's also a reason worth considering. i came at this very differently. i was a caribbean scholar working on -- these are some of the most your awful regimes anywhere. and i was very aware -- [inaudible] the moral issue of slavery. they never discussed it before or during the american revolution. in fact the first place is what discusses here in america, even -- being opposed to slavery itself was remarkable. it's only in the western only in the 18th century that you have an abolition movement. people actually questioning the morality of slavery. so to me, jefferson was remarkable in that he actually questioned the system and had enough empathy to realize that slaves freed would be so angry at the way they were treated that it might actually rebel. i do
simple geographic place with all of these natural harbors and rivers that run the right way but that was true for thousands of years and didn't leave to the development to rate civilization and european civilization and began to make powerful use of those the geographical advantages are obvious, so help us think about why it's geography that we should focus on as opposed to the cultural or civilization will aspect. >> that was due to the development of the failing chips which enable the croswell landed voyages, so that development of technology while it is short in distance it did not negate, it made it more important because it opened up a whole new geography and the world trade system cultural and economics flow from the geography because what is culture? it is the accumulated experience of a specific people on may specifically and skate over hundreds of thousands of years that leads to tradition and habits that can be identifiable. one of the places i've always considered to have the most deeply denzel identifiable culture shock is remaining. you know, nobody can admit th
interesting records i came across was a record which showed those members of her family who after the civil war went to the courthouse and lined up to get their marriages, their relationships legitimized and recognize under the law and the lot of people did that. >> i think that is right too. i wonder, i am curious, how did first lady michelle ng obama respond to the news when you talk to her or this was brought to her? >> one of the challenges for those of us writing about the first lady is she is not doing any book interviews at all. i didn't get to talk to her about this but when the article came out, her husband's press secretary was asked about it and said she sounded fascinating. i know her family finds it fascinating and i think it was something they simply -- simply didn't know about. i briefed her staff along the way as i was doing my research and gave her and members of the family, i hope she find it fascinating. >> one thing i did read in the new york times when your article was published, she did have a positive reaction to if, and at some point she even traveled to africa with
, this crisis is long term. maybe we do need to get a little more aggressive especially when civil liberties have apparently been infringed upon. i also have the observation that government lawyers, i would say this. when you are the government you have an obligation to make things right. if you have done some the wrong he should make it right. it is not a good comparison but i remember when i was in the military, medical malpractice cases, if we were wrong we figure out how big the check was going to be, that is the right thing to do when you are the government. this is an important question and i urge you to take a look. >> judge brown elevated, make a difference? >> i think there would be a difference of opinion, correctly decided in the first interest and whether subsequent practical experience had led one to the conclusion, i fundamentally agree with what charlie was saying about i started at the justice department office of legal counsel after september 11th. i thought our was going to do establishment cause but national security, counterterrorism, international law, we sat down and lo
and the dead," and i wrote a book called "sons of mississippi," the book previous to this, a study of the civil rights south and integration of james meredith at the university of ol miss. i like to pick out subjects that i feel have a lot of resonance to the culture history biography. >> and paul's most recent book national book critic circle
and effectiveness as he waged in the spirit of politics, this is in civil rights. for our fellow citizens race was an issue to be adjudicated within the context of a complex american national identity that was founded on certain principles and ideals enshrined legally and what allison called quote sacred document. starting my own doctoral work in english and american literature in the united states in 1968, has confessed talked about come i was swept along as so many of us were in 1960s and early 1970s by the force of social and political changes involving race that were transforming american culture. choosing a dissertation topic, i turned away almost instinctively from traditional literary criticism, much as i love poetry, i did not want to write a book of literary criticism of the traditional kind. dimly recognizing what i thought was a crisis of representation, we as black americans were concerned, i turned to a biography out of a sense of biography offered an almost uniquely effective way to address what i've called a crisis of representation. when i found myself seated to the bone by pas
Search Results 0 to 23 of about 24